Faith in Diplomacy
Religion is crucial to negotiating peace
image by Christiane Grauert
Whatever one’s view of the Oslo peace process, it is remarkable that the 1993 signing ceremony on the White House lawn did not include benedictions by rabbis, imams, or priests. In an America where religious leaders open sessions of Congress, pray for the success of our armies, and even sometimes pray for fair winds and bless the fleet at yachting regattas, this is passing strange.
The absence of religious content speaks volumes about the assumptions that drive conventional diplomatic wisdom in Washington. Foreign policy professionals instinctively recoil at the notion that religion can or should play an important role in foreign policy. They see it as a “private matter,” according to Tom Farr, former director of the State Department’s office of international religious freedom, “properly beyond the bounds of policy analysis and action.”
Far too many American diplomats and think-tank gurus continue to dismiss or, at best, ignore religion as “a tool of statecraft.” They talk about promoting “civil society” but forget that in regions as diverse as the Middle East and South Asia, the largest and most powerful actors in civil society are religious. They assume that a “moderate” Muslim is a less religious Muslim, and that an “Islamist” who believes that Islam should play a role in politics must be in his or her heart a bomb-throwing extremist. They treat religion as a distraction to diplomacy and a threat to global stability.
Academic theories of modernization teach that as societies modernize they irrevocably grow more secular. But the truth is otherwise. Sociologist Peter Berger contends that religious sensibility does not wither in the modern world. Even the State Department, long a bastion of secularist thinking, is beginning to get the picture. In a powerful book written after she left the State Department, former secretary Madeleine Albright effectively offered a mea culpa for ignoring religion while she was in office. And Karen Hughes, former undersecretary of state for public diplomacy and public affairs, said that President Bush wanted her “to reach out and meet with religious leaders—because faith is such an important part of life for so many Americans and so many people across the world.”
How should we incorporate religion in our foreign policy? First, we must study it. You can’t understand West Bank settlers without understanding the “Greater Israel” theology of Rabbi Tzvi Yehuda Kook and his disciples. Nor can you follow Shia politics without an appreciation of the role of the ashura—the commemoration of the death of the Prophet Mohammed’s grandson in the 680 battle of Karbala—as the transformative event in Shia martyrology, or the oft-misunderstood role of the mahdi—the “hidden Imam” expected to bring justice and final judgment to the world—in Shia eschatology. Or how the “puritanism” of 18th-century theologian Mohammed Ibn Abd-al Wahab has affected the Salafi understanding of the Quran.