R.I.P. for the CIA?
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Kevin J. Kelley Utne Reader
Despite being thoroughly disgraced and discredited, the CIA
probably has little to fear from its fiercest foes. The Company has
too many powerful friends intent on ensuring that it remains open
for business.
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The focus thus falls on reform proposals being brought before a
presidential commission charged with charting the agency's future.
A moderate set of recommendations, involving appointment of an
'intelligence czar,' is championed by a pair of Republicans who
oversee the $28 billion budget for the dozen different spook shops
within the U.S. government.
Former CIA director Robert Gates, a certified hard-liner, is the
unlikely author of a comparatively radical revision that calls for
cuts in the CIA's 19,000-person payroll, consolidation of various
functions, and, most significantly, an end to the agency's
covert-action operations. Breaking the CIA's habit of 'overthrowing
heads of state and stealing elections' is, according to Alterman,
'an absolute prerequisite to the reassertion of democratic control
over U.S. foreign policy.'
But that may also be too much to expect from President Clinton,
his commission, and the Gingrich-Dole Congress. In Alterman's view,
a move to open the entire U.S. spy budget to public scrutiny would
serve as the real litmus test of the reformers' seriousness.
As the debate develops, the CIA is trying hard to make itself
useful.
With the active assistance of dozens of U.S. corporations, the
agency has begun intensifying its economic espionage activities. In
Mother Jones (Jan./Feb. 1995), freelancer Robert Dreyfuss
identifies Procter & Gamble, IBM, Campbell Soup, and Sears
Roebuck as some of the companies that supply the CIA with cover in
their overseas offices. These agents seek to steal secrets from
foreign firms while others try to thwart similar pilfering from
U.S. businesses.
It all amounts to a 'new Cold War,' as Dreyfuss puts it in In
These Times (March 20, 1995). Today's CIA targets, he observes,
'are more likely to be in Tokyo, Frankfurt, and Mexico City than in
Moscow and Havana.'
The incompetence factor is once again germane, however. Dreyfuss
quotes inside sources who say the CIA doesn't yet know how to
collect and collate truly useful economic and technical data.
The increasing emphasis on 'spying for dollars' can be seen as
another government handout to U.S. corporations. But as an In
These Times editorial notes (April 17, 1995), the CIA has
always been in the business of disbursing corporate welfare. All
the agency's murderous misdeeds in Guatemala and many other
countries were performed with the aim of making the world safe for
U.S.-based transnational corporations.
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