Rural Co-ops Show the Way to Urban Job Growth

Telephone-Wires 

This post originally appeared at Shareable.net.  

Rural electricity and telephone co-ops are one of the great sharing success stories in American history—largely due to coordination by the federal government. In 1934, only 11% of farmers had electricity compared to 90% in Europe. Private electric companies refused to serve many rural customers or price gouged them when they did. The Rural Electrification Administration (REA) was formed in 1935 to fix the problem by providing technical assistance and loans to electric cooperatives. Less than 20 years later, practically all farms had power due largely to electric co-ops.

The REA was such a success that the same strategy was used in the 40s to make telephone service available in all rural areas. The Rural Telephone Administration matched the success of the REA. To this day, 1.2 million rural residents are members of a telephone co-op.

The US government's success in boosting rural economies through cooperative development is a largely forgotten story that couldn't be more relevant today. For instance, in creating jobs.

Member owned cooperatives are a proven economic development strategy the world over, and were recognized as such by the United Nations which declared 2012 The International Year of the Cooperative. The democratic ownership and management of cooperatives creates stable enterprises and jobs. Yet, none of the $20 billion in loan programs available to rural cooperatives are available to urban ones. This is despite the fact that 80 percent of Americans now live in cities, with some of the highest poverty rates in the country.

Last year, when cooperative groups were visiting Congressional offices on the Hill in support of USDA programs, Congressman Chaka Fattah, who represents an urban district in Philadelphia, asked why co-ops in urban America didn’t have similar support. A year later, a bill developed by Fattah and cooperative groups—the National Cooperative Development Act—aims to bring technical assistance, revolving loans, and startup capital to co-ops in cities across America, recognizing that co-ops are a vital and long-term economic development model.

HR 3677 would set up an organization based out of the Housing and Urban Development Administration and administered by a separate non-profit to implement the kinds of support needed specifically by co-ops. The bill would also set up a revolving loan fund for loans for machinery, buildings, and the other startup costs. Currently with 13 cosponsors, the bill will be reintroduced in 2013 in the new session by Congressman Fattah, with more bipartisan support, according to his office.

“The fact that cooperatives are seeing a resurgence in urban areas shows the strength, diversity, and staying power of the movement. I really believe that cooperatives are an excellent means for economic development and community enrichment,” said Congressman Fattah, whose family shops at the Weaver’s Way grocery co-op in Northwest Philadelphia and sees the co-op model as a solution to urban food deserts, amongst other problems.

Compared to the rest of the federal budget, the program is tiny—$25 million in HUD support over five years. But it's a start, and would be official recognition that co-ops are still an excellent way to create strong local economies and local jobs in the era of globalization.

A lot of the grants would be re-granted through the cooperative development centers that work as hubs, knitting together state-wide networks.

One critical thing that the Rural Utilities Service (part of the US Department of Agriculture's rural development area) does is direct co-ops through the maze of low-interest loans and grants not specifically directed at co-ops, but for which co-ops are eligible: programs to fund telemedicine, biorefineries, programs specifically for people of color and women, grants for high energy costs, and a lot more. Those programs totaled $21 billion last year for rural America, capital that in cities is often very hard to come by but does exist in other nooks and crannies of the federal budget.

“A really big problem for growing cooperatives is that they often have difficulty expanding their operations because they cannot raise sufficient capital. Either because they can’t raise the funds from their existing members or they may not be able to get loans from organizations that don’t quite understand the cooperative business model,” said Congressman Fattah.

“A second key problem is lack of knowledge… Many new cooperatives are filled with people who have the energy and enthusiasm to start the cooperative and get it moving, but they may not have the specialized knowledge that is needed to ensure that the co-op continues operations long after that initial burst of enthusiasm runs out.”

Peter Frank is the Advocacy Manager for Cooperation Works, the national network of co-op development centers. He is working on the national campaign for HR 3677, getting cooperators in various states to spend some of their times making visits to elected officials and getting to know their Congressperson.

Frank is also in year five of organizing a food co-op in the Fishtown neighborhood of Philadelphia. He and a group of organizers have put together a community membership of 270 people, and are aiming for 750 members by the time their business opens. The idea is indeed catching on in Philadelphia, with its tight-knit neighborhoods and participatory culture: there are currently seven food co-ops starting up in various neighborhoods.

“When you set up a co-op, you’re not just setting up a business, you are setting up a democratic organization to run that business,” said Frank. Accounting is different. Membership is new. The bylaws are different. You don't dazzle a couple of investors - you build support from the community, member by member, worker-owner by worker-owner.

Looking at the success of co-ops in rural America, you can see a pattern of latticework: members of one supplies-purchasing co-op are often members of another co-op to take their produce to market—a mutually reinforcing system of deepening relationships and community resiliency. In the recent economic downturn and this summer's drought, the number of cooperatives had shrunk while co-op employment went up; the USDA speculated that a number of co-ops chose to merge rather than close.

It's very similar to the 50-year experience of the largest system of cooperatives in the world, Mondragon—256 interlinked companies with over 83,000 employees, operating in Spain under the slogan "Humanity at Work." In the recent documentary Shift Change, Mondragon emerges as successful precisely because humanistic business principles are simply better for the community, longer-lasting, and more able to withstand the winds of economic change.

As American cities turn to alternative models of finance and ownership in the blindingly obvious breakdown of our free-market, private enterprise system, co-ops do seem to be emerging. Telephone co-ops plunged ahead for 20 years before the federal government got involved.

Hopefully, this time, it won't take so long. The forward-thinking New York City Council this year funded Brooklyn's Center for Family Life to train two community organizations in co-op development (they've already help start 6 co-ops so far, all with a focus on immigrant communities.) But federal funding dwarfs what cities need, especially cash-strapped cities whose populations are paying fewer local taxes.

Compared to the default method of economic development—which usually involves giving tax breaks to lure an out-of-town corporation—local co-ops may be one of the best ways to bring quality jobs back to America.

Want to start a co-op? See Mira Luna's article on Howto Start a Worker Coop. 

Image by the USDA, licensed under Creative Commons.  

 

Thought You Were Drinking Organic Milk? Think Again.

Cows Grazing 

To most people, the word “organic” conjures up images of green pastures, open fields, and animals untarnished by their environment, pesticides, or growth hormones.

Until recently, those images were only half true, at least in regards to milk. While the USDA did require any milk labeled “organic” to come from cows that only consumed pesticide-free feed and were not injected with antibiotics or growth hormones, the law did not specify under what conditions the cows must be raised.

On the blog Simple, Good, and Tasty, Angelique Chao discusses how the ambiguous “access to pasture” clause from the original law did not necessarily jibe with what consumers expected of something touted as organic:

What did “access to pasture” really mean? Did it mean the cows had to be on pasture all the time or only sometimes? Did they have to graze the pasture or just mill around on it? And what was pasture, anyway? Any outdoor space, a grassy lawn, Astroturf, or what?

It turns out a lot of cows whose milk was being marketed as organic were being raised on feedlots: filthy, cramped areas of land with little to no grass to munch on. Chao observes that “this image of cows stacked in close confinement on dirt or mud lots didn’t exactly square with the consumer’s vision of the natural, peaceful life of the organic cow.”

Now, according to the USDA amendment which goes into full effect in June 2011, cows must get at least 30 percent of their food from pasture, which means no barren feed lots, and farmers must treat said pasture as they would any other crop. The cows must also graze at least 120 days per year.

Finally. Now my pristine mental image of happy, healthy cows can live on safely…at least until some inevitable, horrifying Big Ag scandal jolts it back to reality.

Source: Simple, Good, and Tasty 

Image by Fresco Tours, licensed under Creative Commons.

 

Disappearing Black Farms and Racism in the USDA

Cover of Colorlines with Deepa Fernandes

In 1920 one in seven U.S. farms was operated by black farmers. By 1992 that number had dropped to a mere one in 100, a decline due partly to the USDA’s pervasive racial discrimination in providing loans and subsidies and foreclosing on farms, Jessica Hoffman reports for ColorLines.

Compounding the problem, the USDA’s system for processing civil rights complaints “continues to be deficient despite years of attention,” according to a May 2008 report by the Government Accountability Office. Recalling a farmer who lost his farm to foreclosure before his civil rights claim was reviewed, former USDA civil rights department director Lloyd Wright acknowledged, “We found that the Department of Agriculture was guilty, but we really couldn’t compensate him because his land was gone.” In his first week as Secretary of Agriculture, Tom Vilsack highlighted the department’s ongoing struggle with civil rights as a challenge he will prioritize in his new position.

Meanwhile, black farmers have been working for reform. A coalition led by the National Black Farmers Association successfully lobbied for several provisions important to black farmers in the 2008 Farm Bill, including improved outreach to black farmers and a suspension of foreclosures on farmers with pending discrimination claims against the department. Fueling many of these farmer-activists is the knowledge that, in order for the black-owned family farm to endure, they must show young people that it’s possible to make a decent living as a farmer.

 




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